A Philosophical Enquiry suggests that Burke was developing the loyalties of his youth through the medium of philosophical psychology. A God who presents Himself through nature in a way that is often found in the Bible, and who devises and sustains nature in a way that leads man to society and facilitates the improvement of that society, has set Himself to support Christianity, power and improvement, and probably education too. At the same time, however, other aspects of the book suggest that this support was delivered to them, not on their own terms, but on the terms of a philosophy which recognizes the ability of the imagination to transform people’s understandings of themselves and society.

These differences were further elaborated on in free-text comments, with selected examples provided in Table 1. At the microscope, light adjustment is used as a compensatory factor for laboratory factors, such as thick sections, however “A brighter display doesn't particularly change the ability to report e.g. thick or overstained sections”.

The educative effect of Burke’s writing is not to be underestimated in a civil society, which boasted many highly literate members but had very few with any formal education in political science (except, sometimes, at Scottish universities). Indeed, it is likely that Burke wrote in order to educate. Yet at the same time that the strength of his conceptual and historical arguments, and the skill with which he developed these, excites the reader’s admiration, they create unease. This is not merely because in Present Discontents the philosophical sense of connexion is used to adumbrate the claims of a party connexion: it is a more generalized disquiet. A politician inspires confidence, in part, because s/he is honest: and a good way to be thought honest is to convey the impression that you are not clever enough to deceive. As a philosopher commands interest when s/he is intellectually powerful, this impression is one that is naturally hard to achieve: but it can be done. C.D. Broad suggested that ‘Locke, we feel, is not so much cleverer than ourselves as to be capable of playing tricks with us even if he wanted to do so. He is the Mr Baldwin [6] of philosophy, and he derives from his literary style some of the advantages which that statesman owed to his pipe and his pigs.’ (Broad 1952, 39). This judgement does not apply to Burke, even though he did keep pigs. The reader carries away from Burke a sense of great creative power, dialectical skill, and verbal ingenuity: in short, a sense of being overborne by intellectual force. The listener probably received other and unwelcome sensations when these were seconded by personal raucousness. Such feelings generate unease, and unease is increased by Burke’s prose.

Using average preference values for display luminance, 70% of pathologists prefer a display luminance of 250 cd/m2 or less, 85% 300 cd/m2 or less and 100% 500 cd/m2 or less.

A scripted protocol was used from the consent process through to completion of the experiment to standardize data collection.

Currently, there is a paucity of guidelines relating to displays used for digital pathology making procurement decisions, and optimal display configuration, challenging.

This point suggested that a genuinely prudent conduct of affairs would proceed without assaulting the mental associations of the governed, and, as change was omnipresent, would conduct its share under accepted names—in other words, by gradual and by moderate reform of institutions and practices rather than by immediate and total replacement, which Burke stigmatised as ‘innovation’. This, indeed, was what Burke claimed to be doing in his contributions of 1780–82 to the recasting of the royal household. The intellectual counterpart of this prudent conduct, namely the refinement of our existing ideas, rather than replacing them, is what he had done in his revisions of the idea of sovereignty.

It was possible to separate the cohort of respondents with high specification medical grade displays. The majority of this cohort (54%) also found their display “neither too bright or too dim” but those outside of this were more likely to find their display too bright to some degree.

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Burke was born at Dublin in Ireland, then part of the British Empire, the son of a prosperous attorney, and, after an early education at home, became a boarder at the school run by Abraham Shackleton, a Quaker from Yorkshire, at Ballitore in County Kildare. Burke received his university education at Trinity College, Dublin, a bastion of the Anglican Church of Ireland. Thence he proceeded to the Middle Temple at London, in order to qualify for the Bar, but legal practice was less attractive to him than the broader perspective which had captured his attention at university (or earlier). It was first as a writer, and then as a public figure that he made his career. Burke’s intellectual formation did not suggest that his career would be purely philosophical. Indeed, for those without an independent income or a clerical vocation  such a way of life was not very feasible in Britain or Ireland. Only the Scottish universities offered posts that did not require holy orders, but they were not very receptive to non-presbyterians. Burke married in 1756, and had a son by 1758, so that a career of Humean celibacy, in which philosophy was cultivated on a little oatmeal, was not for him.

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For most participants, the experiment preference represented minimal change from their “pre-experiment” settings. However, for others, the experiment highlighted a noticeable difference (Fig. 9). This is supported by the results of the survey cohort which also indicated that most users are happy with their current display luminance.

We conducted an online survey across six NHS hospitals, totalling 108 practicing pathologists, to capture brightness adjustment habits on both microscopes and displays.

Using the scripted protocol, pathologists were asked to “Please make any adjustments to the room, your equipment or yourself that you would ordinarily make before reporting. This may include amendments to the light, the position of your equipment or furniture or removing or adding eyewear”. Ambient lighting and equipment position was recorded at this point.

Edmund Burke, author of Reflections on the Revolution in France, is known to a wide public as a classic political thinker: it is less well understood that his intellectual achievement depended upon his understanding of philosophy and use of it in the practical writings and speeches by which he is chiefly known. The present essay explores the character and significance of the use of philosophy in his political thought. That thought is of the very first importance for intellectual history and for the conduct of politics. This essay is the first attempt to examine its philosophical character and to connect the latter with Burke’s political activity. In doing so it shows the importance of the philosophical elements in Burke’s thought and that these contribute important ways to his political thought.

All statistics and graphical figures created within R computing environment: RStudio Version 2022.02.0 © 2009–2022 RStudio, PBC. “Prairie Trillium” for Windows. R version 4.2.1 (2022-06-23 ucrt) – “Funny-Looking Kid” Copyright (C) 2022 The R Foundation for Statistical Computing Platform: x86_64-w64-mingw32/x64 (64-bit). Additionally installed packages on top of the Base R (4.2.1) including:gtsummary, ggpubr, dplyr, cowplot, dplyr, ggplot2, naniar, readr, reshape2, stats and tidyr.

Frequency of light adjustments on microscope and display reported by survey participants. Survey participants who indicated they adjusted the light of their equipment during reporting were asked to indicate the frequency of these adjustments on the following scale: 1=never, 5=half of reporting sessions, 10=every case. Microscope users (n=52) and digital reporters (n=7).

Burke himself was not a Roman Catholic, and viewed enquiry into his personal background with alarm and suspicion. This was sensible enough in a Britain which still subliminally linked civil liberty with Protestantism, and therefore regarded Irishness as a likely pointer to popish subversion of its political values. Burke’s argumentative stance always benefited Roman Catholics, but he never found a kind word for the Pope: his was a position which emphasized the priority of civil interests over denominational claims in civil society. Indeed Burke considered that ‘the truth of our common Christianity, is not so clear as this proposition: that all men, at least the majority of men in the society, ought to enjoy the common advantages of it.’ (TPL, W & S 1981–2015, ix.464). This was a political development of the centrality he gave to the claims of improvement, and of the obvious necessity of its free development for the bettering of the human condition. It also silently defused any papal claim to civil dominance on theological grounds and, more audibly, suggested that the penalisation of Roman Catholic beliefs was wrong if these did not cause Catholics to interfere with others‘ civil interests. Burke’s presumptions about the priority of civil interests and a sense of the possible irrelevance of denominational opinion to civil society suggest a reading of Locke’s Letter concerning Toleration and Two Treatises of Government, the latter of which was common, though not prescribed reading at Trinity. It also implies that the proper terms in which to conceive civil interests are those of natural jurisprudence, because there people are considered without reference to any specific allegiances, religious or otherwise. Burke referred to natural law and natural rights directly when such reference advanced his own arguments, though he made no theoretical contribution to natural jurisprudence until quite late in life. His creative energies were mostly applied elsewhere.

Burke elaborated the complex idea in a way to which complex ideas lend themselves, that is to say, by adding a qualification. The sovereignty of the British parliament was an idea that certainly included a right to tax: but a right to tax could be understood to be consistent on principle with inaction as well as action. The right, in plainer language, need not be applied. Burke could accommodate, therefore, both the claims of Westminster and those of the colonists. To this point, of course, one might reply that Burke was merely making concessions. But observe: this situation provided a cue for conceptual innovation—Burke inserted a distinction into the idea of sovereignty. He distinguished ‘my idea of the constitution of the British Empire’ from ‘the constitution of Britain’ unconnected with overseas rule. It could be inferred that

This uncertainty is reflected in the approach taken by the US Food and Drugs Administration (FDA) to grant clinical approval to a whole system, with a pre-defined display.13 However, during the COVID pandemic, the drive to enable remote working (on different displays) was met with a statement from the FDA that pathologists should “use their clinical judgement to determine whether the quality of the images…are sufficient for interpretation” and indicates a move towards pathologists having a responsibility to ensure their displays are fit for purpose, as they do for their microscopes.6

Display luminance preferences on the digital display ranged from 169 to 519 cd/m2, representing a more limited inter-pathologist variation than seen at the microscope. However, a similar pattern was observed whereby some participants had relatively narrow interobserver variability for preference (P8; interquartile range 13 cd/m2) and others showed less distinct preference (P12; interquartile range 384 cd/m2). This finding was supported by comments of a few participants during the display part of the experiment who felt that they would be happy at a range of light levels on their displays and found it harder to define their preference point.

An apparent disruption of this sort was always likely to suggest that Burke had profoundly personal motives for narrowing his mind, and when he was not being caricatured as an Irish Jesuit he was being satirized as a corrupt hack [7]. Yet some sort of procedure of the type pursued by Burke was implied in his sense of practical reasoning. The ‘philosopher in action’ had the function of finding ‘proper means’ to ‘the proper ends of Government’ marked out by ‘the speculative philosopher’ (TCD, W & S, 1981–2015, ii. 45–51). Parliamentary votes, in the situation that Burke found himself, were amongst the proper means.

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Participants were able to select multiple options to describe the reasons for light adjustment on their equipment. The options given included adjustments for slide-related features (such as for specific diagnostic features, specific stains or tissue types and slide quality issues), viewing at different objectives, changes in environment lighting, for visual comfort or adjustment from another user. All users who adjust their lighting do so for multifactorial reasons. For those who adjust their digital display, visual comfort and changes in environment lighting are the dominant factors. In contrast, at the microscope, slide factors predominate (Fig. 5).

Characteristics. PC Control Type; Font & Component stamp inspection; Simple inspection of data; Inspection with the camera dedicated to OCR.

Political participation generated scepticism about Burke as a person, some of which was unjust, though all of it was to be expected. What was perhaps less predictable, and is certainly more interesting philosophically, is that this participation was a precondition of the practical thought which made Burke famous in his own time and has given him a leading place in the canon of Western political thought. One very important example of this is his treatment of the American Revolution. This was informed, no doubt, by where Burke happened to find himself on the spectrum of practical politics in the years that followed 1766. But his conclusions for practice were informed also by his understanding of ideas – meaning ideas in a philosophical, precisely in a Lockean sense – and how these could be combined. In other words, the content of his political thought was informed importantly not only by where he was practically but also who he was philosophically.

Comparison of pre-experiment display luminance and experiment display preference in light preference cohort. The pre-experiment measured screen luminance compared with mean preference measurement during the experiment for each participant of the light preference task.

The roots of human activity, Burke thought, were the passions of curiosity, pleasure and pain. Curiosity stimulated the activity of mind on all matters. Ideas of pain and of pleasure corresponded respectively to self-preservation and society, and society involved the passions of sympathy, imitation and ambition. Imitation tended to establish habit, and ambition to produce change. Sympathy did neither, but it did establish an interest in other people’s welfare that extended to mental identification with them. The scope of sympathy could embrace anyone, unlike compassion, which applied only to those in a worse situation than oneself. Such width of concern had an obvious reference to the social order (and may express also Burke’s thinking about the theatre). The passions, understood in Burke’s way, suggested at once that society as such answered to natural instincts, and that it comprised elements of continuity and improvement alike. Burke then proceeded to show that self-preservation and its cognates suggested the complex idea of the sublime, and not least the idea of a God who was both active and terrible. Beauty, on the other hand, comprised a very different set of simple ideas, which originated in pleasure. Sublime and beautiful therefore sprang from very different origins.

Concentrateslightonto the specimen

Whether Burke’s ‘infinite modifications’ would have assisted in keeping the thirteen colonies within the fold of the British empire is unknowable, for nothing like his proposals were tried until 1778, which was too late. It is clear, however, that Burke’s ability to make conceptual changes depended on his philosophical thinking. To think in terms of complex ideas is to recognize that they can be elaborated by adding further ideas; to distinguish between the roles of Parliament is to make that addition; and to analyse the powers of a parliamentary sovereign as a preface to relocating one of them is to use philosophy as a tool in practical reasoning. It is noteworthy, also, that these philosophical exercises were the means of coping, as Burke hoped, with practical changes. Neither was his work here primarily ideological, for though Burke had a practical goal in view, and at that one consistent with the Rockingham achievements of 1766, he worked philosophically to modify the conceptions in terms of which his contemporaries viewed their situation, rather than using his conceptual tools as ways of defending those conceptions without modifying them. Thus he added ideas to the stock of his day. It is fitting, though Burke’s proposals were not implemented in time, and though his goal was not attained, that his American speeches figured prominently in the schools and universities of both the U.K. and the U.S.A. well into the twentieth century. Burke, after all, was suspicious of poor ideas: he concluded that ‘one of the main causes of our present troubles’ was ‘general discourses, and vague sentiments’, and urged instead study of ‘an exact detail of particulars’ (SSC, W & S 1981–2015, iii. 185).

There is no complete edition of Burke’s works: their quantity, the character of some of his manuscript materials and the manner in which many of his parliamentary speeches are preserved all make it very likely that this situation will continue. Neither have the editorial problems implied in his writings and speeches been overcome hitherto. For the present, there is, in nine, large substantive volumes,: Writings and Speeches of Edmund Burke, P. Langford (general editor), Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1981–2015. This, though not without further problems peculiar to itself, does provide a standard system reference for most of the items quoted here, and is cited above as W & S, and individual works are cited as follows:

Controlled experiment views on display and microscope. Marked up (pen) area of slide (A) and marked up image (B) of the section of liver parenchyma used in demonstration of the practical task. Pathologists were advised to center their view at the middle of the markings and increase the objective lens until the marking was just out of view (microscope) or the digital magnification until the green box was at the edge of the display (display). This set the viewing magnification on both modalities at 20× (C and D). The “microscope” image above was captured digitally to enable easier comparison of the two methods used. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article.)

Let us turn to how Burke’s thinking was informed by his philosophical thinking, especially to his use of relation. Burke’s method for written composition often combined (i) identification of relations, with (ii) relevant history, and (iii) treatment in language that would attach pro-attitudes to one side or the other in a difference of opinion. This method is seen, for instance, in his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents (1770). Its central statement for our purpose is about (i) relation in the form of connexion: that the British constitution had been constructed in a manner that required the connexion (in this case the interdependence) of the parts of the sovereign in order to achieve mutual control. This statement contrasted with (ii) the historical statement that there was a new system of court politics which involved disconnecting those parts in order to make the monarch independent of the other parts of the political sovereign. Burke’s history showed the emergence of this new system, and illustrated its pernicious results in both domestic and foreign affairs. The contrast (iii) between the older system — which was represented as having benign results—was clear, and the disposition of pro-language obvious enough. Burke’s appeal lay to the standards which his contemporaries would take for granted, namely those implied in their beliefs about parliamentary sovereignty. As if it were not enough, the picture of the older order was reinforced by a sense of connexion in the Aristotelian sense that Burke’s society recognized and approved—that man was sociable, rather than being a solitary beast, and above all by the annexation of the key term of connexion to the side of the dispute that Burke favoured. All of these considerations suggested the appropriateness of ‘the good’ combining to counterbalance the efforts of court politicians, and so to sustain parliamentary sovereignty and its benefits.

There was notable variation in the pre-experiment settings on the displays, ranging from 120 to 345 cd/m2 (0–100 on the monitor backlight scale setting). As part of the deployment, these monitors were installed with a standardized default backlight setting. This indicates that pathologists, or those supporting pathologists with their display setup, have previously adjusted the backlight intensity.

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As expected, there was quite variable usage of digital pathology. Time spent viewing digital images ranged from 0 to 25 hr and viewing slides on a microscope ranged from 1 to 50 hr with several pathologists using a combination of modalities (Fig. 3). Twenty-three percent describe no use of digital pathology at all. While for 15% primary reporting was their predominant usage, the most prevalent use of digital pathology was for teaching and training (45%), with smaller numbers using for multidisciplinary team meetings (12.5%) and secondary opinions (3.1%).

Corresponding author at: NPIC Centre, Level 2, Sir Robert Ogden Building, St James's Hospital, Beckett Street, Leeds LS9 7TF, UK. charlotte.jennings1@nhs.net

In general, no correlation was seen between microscope and display preference. Two participants had markedly higher display luminance prferences , and this did correlate with the highest microscope light preferences. If excluding these participants as outliers (P6 and P18) there is no statistical correlation (correlation coefficient, r=0.163).

But learning from experience in radiology, guidelines will be necessary to ensure that the technical performance of these displays is sufficient as well as to address ergonomic aspects of display working.8,10, 11, 12

Adoption of new technologies is linked with perceived ease of use and in this situation, it may be achieved by offering an experience that is familiar and as easy as microscope light adjustments.25 Display development in other areas has sought to use this principle and shown increased speed and comfort with digital pathology when image viewing software captures the feel of microscope slide review.26,27 These results may therefore be of interest to display developers and manufacturers. Facilitating preference needs to be balanced against performance and technical image parameters may need to be defined within which users can make fast, “eyes free” adjustments as they work.

Lightswitch microscope function

Burke, like Smith again, wrote ‘philosophical’ history, that is to say gave a view of the key agencies that had shaped human destiny over the long run of human society. Indeed, he casually implied a four-stage theory of socio-economic history at a time when Scottish stadial history, except that in Dalrymple’s Feudal Property (1757), was either unwritten or unpublished. But his attention, primarily, lay elsewhere, as appears in An Account of the European Settlements. This work arose from the initiative of ‘booksellers’ alive to the reading public’s interest in North America, where Britain was then at war with France, and the work was co-written with Burke’s ‘cousin’ and friend William Burke. Edmund’s pen is evident in the passages which contrast ‘savagery’ with civilization. The book emphasized that the coming of Europeans to the New World brought with it a civilizing of ‘savages,’ who were far from noble, through the agency of institutionalised Christianity. This implicit distance from the cult of ‘the noble savage,’ and from primitivism in general, provided an identifiable complement to the implied rejections of A Philosophical Enquiry and the satire about ‘natural society’ in A Vindication.

The diverse views rejected by A Philosophical Enquiry were united by the pervasive assumption that human nature in an unschooled condition, as it came from the hand of nature, and understood without direct reference to God, was in some sense adequate to the human condition. Rousseau’s Discourse on Inequality was at odds with Burke’s view of the naturalness of society, and with his view that solitude, because unnatural, was a source of pain, as well as with Burke’s position that sympathy, rather than merely compassion, was a key emotion. Burke’s view that the mind formed ideas of beauty from the ideas of pleasure it received contradicted the view of Shaftesbury and Hutcheson that beauty (like goodness) was a perception presented by a sixth or moral sense. Burke’s further view that our simple ideas of pain went towards a complex idea of a God who inspired terror, was very distant from the deists’ view that He could be understood by our natural faculty of reason alone and that as such He was known to be benevolent and not much besides. These three positions alike presumed that human faculties, unimproved by human effort and considered with little relation to God, were sufficient to inspire conduct. It is not surprising that Burke rejected them.

Additional eyepieces (commonly used for training to allow side by side reporting) or cameras (used to photograph a specimen) can be inserted before the main eyepiece and involve the use of additional lenses to direct the image forming rays and the illuminating rays. In our department, there are many different microscopes—variable in their make, model and age. While most consultants have an attachment to allow double-headed viewing, trainees usually do not. A minority of the consultants also have a camera attachment. This means that the light intensity of the bulb in the base of the diaphragm (which could be measured from the collector lens) is variably representative of the light intensity at the eye piece. For this reason, we wanted to devise a method to measure the light output from the eyepiece directly. In a review of the literature, we could not find any examples of others having measured this before.

The authors declare the following financial interests/personal relationships which may be considered as potential competing interests:

Burke’s position, therefore, was poised. But it was not merely a matter of pointing out what made for good and what for ill in civil society: it was a matter of responsibility—of choosing morally appropriate words. This was so for a philosophical reason, because of the very nature of the words involved. Burke’s Philosophical Enquiry divided words into three categories. First, there were aggregate words, which signified groups of simple ideas united by nature, e.g. man, horse, or tree. Second, there were simple abstract words, each of which stood for one simple idea involved in such unities, as red, blue, round or square. Thirdly, and most importantly for our purpose, came abstract compound words. These united aggregate words and simple abstract words. As such, they did not have a referent that existed in nature. A Philosophical Enquiry argued that no compound abstract nouns suggested ideas to the mind at all readily, and that in many cases they did not correspond to any idea at all, but instead produced in the mind only images of past experience connected with these words. This category included virtue, vice, justice, honour, and liberty, besides magistrate, docility and persuasion (Wecter 1940, 167–81). The centrality of such terms to a discussion of civil society requires no emphasis. The obvious inference from Burke’s philosophy of language was that to use abstract compound words was less to discuss ideas than to raise images which touched the affections of the listener or reader. To do this could scarcely to be thought part of a speculative activity: the effect would not be cognitive, but practical: not to develop ideas, but to influence conduct. The question was, with what arrangements were these words, and therefore pleasurable images, to be connected.

All of the respondents thought it was important or very important to be able to adjust the light on the microscope. Despite minimal reported adjustment of displays in this cohort, 77% felt it was important or very important to be able to do so, with the remaining 23% saying they were uncertain.

National Pathology Imaging Co-operative, NPIC (Project no. 104687) is supported by a £50 m investment from the Data to Early Diagnosis and Precision Medicine strand of the government's Industrial Strategy Challenge Fund, managed and delivered by UK Research and Innovation (UKRI).

Burke’s mind, by the time he left Trinity, had two features of especial interest: one was an orientation towards religion, improvement and politics, the other a philosophical method. The latter derived from his university education, the former from reflection on the Irish situation. Burke was born into an Ireland where reflective intellect had its social setting in a small educational elite, much of it connected with the Church of Ireland. This elite contemplated a political class which owned much of the land, and consisted primarily of a gentry and peerage, headed by the King’s representative, the Lord-Lieutenant; but it saw too a tiny professional class, and a huge, illiterate, impoverished peasantry. The aim of the educational elite, which it shared with some of the political class, was improvement in the broadest sense, that is to say it connected self-improvement through the influence of the arts & sciences, and through the development of intellectual skills, with moral culture and with economic development. The ability of the educated, the politicians and the rich to take constructive initiatives contrasted starkly with the inability of the peasantry to help itself: peasants relieved their misery principally through spasms of ‘savagery’ against their landlords’ representatives, but such violence was repressed sternly and helped nobody. (For Burke, ‘savagery’ refers to any conduct that falls below certain standards.) The Irish situation suggested a general rationale of practice to those who wished to improve themselves and others: improvement, if it was to spread outside the educational elite, must spring from the guidance and good will of the possessing classes: from the landlord who developed his property, from the priest who instructed and consoled the poor, and from the lord lieutenant who used his power benevolently. The only obvious alternative was the use of force—and that was both destructive and fruitless. Burke retained all his life a sense of the responsibility of the educated, rich and powerful to improve the lot of those whom they directed; a sense that existing arrangements were valuable insofar as they were the necessary preconditions for improvement; and a strong sense of the importance of educated people as agents for constructive change, change which he often contrasted with the use of force, whether as method or as result.

We also recognize that display and image management system software settings for brightness, contrast and color profile may all have an impact on image perception. Here, we have focused on light intensity and have not assessed other parameters available outside the recommended settings of the display manufacturer. We appreciate there is more nuance to image perception overall and this probably underlies the lack of correlation found between modalities in our work. Yet, we found convincing personal preferences indicating that light intensity is a relevant variable to consider. Further work may elucidate the relationship between these factors.

Demographic factors of survey participants. Participants (n=64) are split by their role and age (A), and by the number of hours spent reporting per week (B). Reporting hours are broken down into time spend on each reporting modality (microscope or digital).

Raw results from both the online survey and practical light preference assessment can be made available on request from corresponding author CJ.

Burke not only thought that nature needed improvement, but also recognized its ambiguity. Ambition, for instance, was the source of enterprise and of improvement: but Burke did not suppose that the enterprise produced by this characteristic was in all its manifestations a benefit to its exponent, and indeed once called it ‘the cause of the greatest disappointments, miseries and misfortunes, and sometimes of dangerous immoralities’ [4]. If Burke had a forward-looking mind, and believed that human nature both required and led to development, he did not think that progress was necessarily an unqualified gain: for instance, in discussing the civilizing of American ‘savages,’ he saw a diminution of their courage as well as an increase in their moral goodness. (For Burke, ‘savagery’ contrasts with civilisation, and unlike some other figures, did not suppose that savagery was equivalent to all behaviour of indigenous peoples).

However, for healthcare services going digital requires a significant initial financial outlay, which was reported to be a key barrier to adoption in a 2018 survey of UK pathology departments.3 Part of this expense includes the procurement of the relevant hardware required for digital pathology workflows and includes the displays on which pathologists will report whole-slide images.4 A vast array of displays are available ranging across medical grade, consumer-off-the-shelf and professional models, with widely varying associated costs.5,6 Navigating the many described specifications of these displays is challenging but key parameters have been proposed to include luminance, contrast, color accuracy, resolution and “just noticeable difference”.6,7 Currently, there is no consistent guidance about the specifications required for these displays as illustrated by Chong et al. where the minimum requirements for a range of national guidelines cover a display size range of 17–27″ and a luminance maximum of 100–300 cd//m2.8 Williams et al. recommended a minimum specification of 24–27″ and 250–350 cd/m2 in guidance for remote reporting on pragmatic grounds.9

so that Burke’s elaboration of the complex idea of the British empire suggests complementary roles for the British parliament and the colonial legislatures, an elaboration which would make the question of taxation irrelevant at a stroke, whilst simultaneously emphasizing the authority of Westminster.

The majority of respondents (59%) found their displays “neither too bright or too dim” for viewing digital images. Outside the majority, a relatively even spectrum existed of those who found the display too bright or too dim to some degree. The survey cohort included those who had high specification medical grade displays as well as those with consumer grade displays (Fig. 6).

In contrast to radiology, current pathology practice does not involve the regulation of ambient lighting and in the UK consultants generally work in individual use offices where further variation in ambient light is introduced by individual preference.10,17 This makes sense given that the closed nature of a microscope is far less likely to be impacted by ambient lighting. Furthermore, microscopes allow the user to make easy adjustments to the lighting by a continuous dial which allows for adjustment for individual sensitivities to light as well as to navigate tissue factors such as thick sections. Anecdotally, there is significant variation between pathologists in their use of microscope brightness levels, perhaps especially noticed by trainee pathologists who are more likely to use double-header microscopes to review images and to rotate between a number of microscopes, left at the setting of the previous user, during their training. Deploying digital pathology systems in such variable ambient conditions and for pathologists who are used to sensitive and easy control of light while they work presents an additional challenge for departments in setting up displays.

Adjustment of light at the microscope was common, with 81% of our respondents adjusting the light on some occasions. The frequency of light adjustment covered the full spectrum of the scale that was presented [1=never, 5=half of reporting sessions, 10=every case]. Most of the participants (73%) estimate adjusting microscope light settings half of the times they report or less. However, one respondent reported making light adjustments for every case they view (Fig. 4).

An integrating light sphere (ILS) is a spherical cavity coated in a highly reflective material which allows incoming light to undergo multiple reflections so that the intensity of the light becomes uniform. Some part of this reflected light can then be measured by a detector placed at a port within the sphere. Integrating light spheres are used in a variety of settings and can measure many different light sources, however from a review of available products, there was no existing model which would be practical or affordable for this project.

Anyone who thinks in terms of complex ideas can see that these can be framed easily in different ways, none of which need correspond to anything found in the external world: combine the ideas of a man and a horse, as Locke had suggested, and you have the idea of a centaur. No one who reads romances would find difficulty in imagining a society differing beyond recognition from its current arrangements. A classic instance of political imagination, indeed, is Burke’s own Vindication of Natural Society, which presents as an alternative model of society an organization—if that is the word—devoid of civil government, church and significant private property.

The same approach was taken on the microscope, taking a pre-experiment measurement, working through a demonstration slide (liver parenchyma) and then repeating three times on the test slide (breast tissue). On the microscope, the experiment controller reduced the microscope light dial to its minimum before the experiment began but the participants were invited to control the dial when choosing their preference. Experiment setup pictured in Fig. 2.

David Brettle reports a relationship with Jusha Commercial & Trading Co, Ltd. that includes: consulting or advisory. If there are other authors, they declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

A number of general comments were given to support the importance of adjusting light which covered both reporting factors and user factors, examples in Table 2.

Development of the lightmeter adaptor. (A) CAD design of the integrating light sphere; (B) Images of the final integrating light sphere adapter; (C) Integrating light sphere in use, connecting to the microscope eyepiece and LXCan Spot luminance meter to measure the light output directly from the microscope.

This was not the only philosophical aspect in Burke’s political practice. A major conceptual tool in discussing politics was relation. Relation is one of those terms which was common to both the scholastics and Locke. It denotes both comparison and connexion. Comparison was an invaluable procedure because it enabled events, institutions and persons to be placed in any number of lights which would raise or lower their significance and standing. Connexion was scarcely less valuable, because the place that someone or something occupied could be used to sustain or criticise their role, as well as to demonstrate the value of co-operative contraries. Best of all, relation in either sense lent itself to a myriad of uses, for as LeClerc had remarked in his Logic (which Burke had read at Trinity) relations were beyond counting—sunt autem innumerae relationes (Le Clerc 1692, pt. 1, ch. 4, s. 1, p. 19).

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There is a rapid increase in the clinical use of digital pathology internationally. The promise of improved workflows, better connectivity between pathologists and providing services to remote locations are the driving force for this change and digital pathology is frequently cited as part of the solution to address an international shortage in the pathology workforce.1 The FDA granted licensing for the first clinical digital pathology system in 2017, which provided regulatory support and thus facilitated policy makers through to pathology departments in the push to “go digital”.2

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A subset of the main cohort was invited to take part in a practical measurement of their light preferences at the microscope and digital displays. This cohort comprised 40 consultants at a large tertiary teaching hospital (Leeds Teaching Hospitals NHS Trust), which underwent a full workflow digitization in 2018. All consultants in this center have high specification medical grade displays (Jusha C620L) selected for digital reporting as part of the digital deployment programme which uses a Sectra PACS slide viewing software and was deployed according to manufacturer recommendations. The consultant microscopes are of varying make, model and age. Within the department, there is mixed digital pathology experience and competence, ranging from minimal to full time use for primary reporting and other functions.

The light preference task was conducted in consultants' offices, where there was variation in ambient light levels, but surprisingly display preferences were not correlated to ambient light (correlation coefficient of 0.27). Several studies in radiology have demonstrated ambient light has an impact on performance.21, 22, 23 Such studies led to control of ambient light in reporting environments of radiologists to achieve sufficient contrast detection without inducing visual strain from display use at high luminosity.11 We did not undertake diagnostic performance measures as part of this work and further assessment is needed to understand the relationship between preference and performance in pathology. The practicality of low ambient light working for pathologists seems limited until the whole workflow is digital given the number of other tasks pathologists undertake when reporting but should be considered as an option to achieve visual comfort for those with lower light preferences or who are experiencing visual strain.18 Current pathology workspaces should also be altered to optimize display position relative to bright light sources such as windows, as this has been shown to reduce performance in a pathology specific contrast performance task, with the optimal position being side-on to a window.24 However, alterations may not be possible in all cases. In this study, some pathologists were limited in adjusting their equipment layout by room constraints and to ambient light levels by the absence of blinds.

Burke’s activity as a parliamentarian and political writer embraced a great many concerns. Prominent amongst these were the problems of British rule overseas, in North America, India and Ireland. His name, however, has been linked most strongly by posterity to a critique of the French Revolution. Burke was certainly more notable as a pundit than an executive politician, holding office only twice, for a few months in 1782 and 1783. His political life was punctuated in May 1791 by a break from some of his party colleagues over the significance of the Revolution. Thereafter, assisted not least by the turn it took in 1792–3, he became a largely independent commentator on domestic politics and international affairs in An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs (1791), Letters on a Regicide Peace (1795–7), and A Letter to a Noble Lord (1796). Burke in his last years, especially from 1792, turned his attention to his native Ireland. He failed to found a political dynasty, and he left no lasting school in parliamentary politics: the last politician who can be regarded plausibly as a disciple, the addressee of A Letter to William Elliot (1795), died in 1818. As Sidgwick observed, ‘though Burke lives, we meet with no Burkites’ (Sidgwick 1877 [2000, 195]). Nor did Burke bequeath a straightforward legacy to any political party or to any ideological brand of thought, though plenty have tried to appropriate him wholly or partly. The difficulties that they might find in colonising his thought are apparent from an account of it that emphasizes its philosophical aspects.

There was marked variation in the ambient lighting between different participant's offices (range 39–1308 lx), however the majority were operating in normal “office” conditions of around 300 lx. Options for lighting adjustment within different offices was variable, including access to and use of blinds, additional lighting (e.g. uplight lamps and desk lamps) and number and position of overhead bulbs. All participants had offices with an external facing window. Display equipment was mostly positioned “side-on” to windows, where this was not the case this was largely dictated by room layout (Fig. 7).

Burke developed his thoughts about civil interests in a work that his executors entitled Tracts on the Popery Laws, which he drafted when he was employed as private secretary to the Chief Secretary for Ireland in the early seventeen-sixties. After this, Burke became involved more immediately in political practice, and, by one means or another, contributed to it until his death and (through the activities of his executors in publishing or reprinting his writings) from beyond the grave. This was one obvious route for practical development, even besides the amenities of status that it brought to Burke. For his view of the compound abstract words involved in civil discussion did not suggest that purely speculative study had unlimited potential either for the mind or for personal satisfaction, because a strictly speculative discussion was likely to be inconclusive at best: such words became more readily intelligible in connexion with the concrete, and therefore the practical. Hence, perhaps, Burke concluded that ‘man is made for Speculation and action; and when he pursues his nature he succeeds best in both.’ (Somerset 1957, 87). There was, on this understanding, intellectual benefit in political participation, and, equally, political practice might benefit from the speculative mind. This is likely to seem an implausible position nowadays, when political activity is frenetic, and learning is a matter of speciality; but in the eighteenth century, when an agile mind could manage at least the basics of several branches of learning, and the British legislature was often in session for less than six months each year, it was more plausible. Political participation, on Burke’s understanding, besides its intellectual possibilities, had an ethical potential. To the extent that thinking about politics was necessarily uncertain, the proper conduct of affairs depended upon an honest as well as a capacious mind, and on a well-disposed management of words.

The light preference task took place in large pathology department with established digital pathology workflows and good exposure to digital pathology, however use of digital pathology for primary reporting in this cohort was variable and was not captured in our results, except where users made comments specifically relating to their experience. Less-experienced users may have found identifying their preference on this modality more challenging and thus, it may be a less accurate reflection of the variation of preference. Other participant demographics, such as age and ocular health may be of interest for future work with a larger sample size.

It was also, in effect, an appeal for ideas adequate to governing. This is evident in Burke’s criticism of ‘vulgar and mechanical politicians’,

It remains to show what Burke learnt from political activity, and what he conferred upon it. The picture is one in which the claims of practice enriched Burke’s mind and brought intellectual benefits to practice itself.

A stage of human history rather later than that of ‘savages’ was delineated within An Abridgement of English History, which Burke wrote after 1757, but did not finish. So far as it goes, this provided a continuous account that ran from the Roman landings to Magna Carta. Christianity figured again in this narrative as a source of civilization, but the significance of the tale was more complex. This time the story was primarily political, and showed how one of the values most prized by Burke’s contemporaries, civil liberty, came to belong to England. The Norman Conquest of England established a powerful executive government and brought with it a uniform system of law; if these two were necessary conditions for the matching grace of civil liberty for all, however, they were not sufficient: the required addition came from an aristocracy, which had been taught the value of liberty by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and which had come to understand that its own power was insufficient to extract the requisite concessions from the crown unless popular support could be won. Burke’s sense of the double-edged character of civilization thus developed into a sense that the political regime required by an advanced society—the combination of strong institutions with civil liberty—came from sources that were contrary to each other, and not always beneficial in isolation (aristocracy as a form of government was an ‘austere and insolent domination’ (TCD, W & S, 1981–2015, ii. 268)): and as both a strong executive and civil liberty were needed, by the same token the forces making for each needed to be counterbalanced from the other side on a continuing basis. This balance of forces characterised a situation in which ‘liberty’ had an identifiable content, namely the specific civil liberties secured through political struggle and written into Magna Carta.

In attacking the Revolution in France, Burke constructed a rogues’ gallery for French politicians, and stocked it also with quite a number of French thinkers. The figures who appeared to be rogues, however, were most of them only straw men, stuffed according to the prejudices of a British audience. More significantly for our purposes, Burke’s censure of the philosophes attributed to them complicity with the style of thought that had set up a limited range of simple principles as the norm for politics, and which was wholly inadequate to satisfy the connected and various needs of human nature under modern conditions. Burke preferred to emphasize that numerous principles, and practical thinking to combine them, were necessary to meet these needs, and so to sustain improvement, and emphasize, too, that such accommodation involved much more practical activity than speculative design. Correspondingly his own writings develop, not a political philosophy but rather a political style that had at its core philosophical elements—a style which, indeed, implicitly suggested that political philosophy was not feasible as a sort of knowledge, and, if it was, certainly not one sufficient to the task of ‘the philosopher in action’. The latter, at least as embodied by Burke himself, when he mentioned political philosophy, assumed that it was highly practical. It for its goal regulating opinion in order to produce good political results and to prevent bad ones. “It has ever been the great primary object of speculative and doctrinal philosophy to regulate opinion”, he wrote. “It is the great object of political philosophy to promote that which is sound, and to extirpate what is mischievous, and which directly tends to render men bad citizens in the community, and mischievous neighbours out of it” (RP2, W & S ix.295).

The experiment entailed a light preference adjustment task performed on slides and digital images in the participants usual workspace on their usual reporting equipment. Preference was defined for participants as “a point where you feel visually comfortable and also feel able to assess features of the slide or image at a level that is needed for reporting”. Pathologists were not asked to give a diagnostic assessment of the slides/images provided. One-to-one appointments were made with author CJ to conduct the experiment. The appointments were to fit with pathologist availability and varied throughout the day over the 2-month period of the study.

so that ‘little minds’ could not govern ‘a great empire’ (CWA, W & S 1981–2015, iii.139), or, evidently, any empire at all, whereas better results might be expected from ‘men truly initiated and rightly taught.’

One crucial approach that Burke himself developed was historiographical. In works of history or in oratory, discussion involving a compound abstract noun—such as ‘civilization’ or ‘liberty’— could take place in connexion with aggregate words like ‘Indians’ or ‘the English’, and, therefore, being discussed in relation to these, connected that noun with definite ideas rather than with further ideas that had no easily identifiable content—or no content at all. Almost all of Burke’s writings and his more important speeches have a strong historical element. That element is cast as a narrative in a way that connects compound abstract words with specific persons and specific transactions. Burke also wrote avowedly historical works in the years immediately after publishing A Philosophical Enquiry The content of these histories developed the preferences of his youth for improvement by embodying these in a way that made them integral to the origins and continuing character of modern arrangements in the Americas and in England.

2 waysto adjust lighton microscope

Images of the experiment set up for the light preference task. Assessment (A) and measurement (B) on the digital display and assessment (C) and measurement (D) at the microscope of light preferences when viewing a whole-slide image. The experiment was conducted in pathologists' own offices and on their usual reporting equipment. Preference was defined for participants as “a point where you feel visually comfortable and also feel able to assess features of the slide or image at a level that is needed for reporting”. Pathologists were not asked to give a diagnostic assessment of the slides/images provided.

This illustrates Burke’s remarkable ability to combine philosophical method and philosophical history, as well as the practical purpose to which he put them—forming an understanding of politics which was practical in the very particular sense of calling for activity in one direction to counterbalance forces coming from another. It was also practical in relation to advancing very specific interests. These considerations were used to situate quite another sense of connexion, namely political party, and especially the party of Lord Rockingham to which and to whom Burke had attached himself. Indeed Present Discontents was read in draft by his party’s leading lights before publication. On publication, the pamphlet was widely understood as a manifesto for this party. After publication Present Discontents became a manual from which fledging politicians learnt the rationale of their party, and, indeed, a source book for cat calls from the party colleagues from whom Burke separated in 1791. The philosophical and historical element in Burke’s positions is evident only to those who retrace all of his steps; an activity which his contemporaries lacked the will, and (as not all of his major works had been published) some of the means to do.

There was the contrast, too, between the breadth of view and of learning in the matured statements that Burke published, on the one hand, and, on the other, the ways of the parliamentary pugilist who was audible to fellow M.P.s and legible to others in the speeches reported by the daily newspapers. Burke’s manner was anything but ‘philosophical’ as the public understands the word. Partly this was, doubtless, because Burke was like that as a person, and not least because he had a weak voice that had to be raised if it was to be heard in the bear garden that was the House of Commons, but partly, too, because his Philosophical Enquiry had suggested that the best way to impart a mood to an audience was to display it oneself. So, for instance, if Burke needed to plead for moderation, he did so immoderately. Above all, perhaps, it was because this philosopher- turned-participant was not exempt from the need to win to his side enough minds to ensure that his side was not beaten (or, at any rate, demonstrated enough strength to remain in contention), and had at hand an exceptionally powerful range of persuasive tools. It is an evident fact, too, that the resources of Western civilization were sometimes invoked by Burke in order to produce votes in the House of Commons—votes, which, whatever else they were, were in the interests of his party. But, manifestly, these resources do not supply a rationale for only one policy, still less for only one party. The roles of thinker and party spokesman consort ill: and there were bound to be doubts about one

Burke’s philosophical repertoire and historical understanding thus provided the structure of Reflections, and, perhaps more importantly, suggested insights into the character of the Revolution. The inattention of the revolutionaries to the relations that needed to be comprised in a modern government, especially in connexion with liberty, was matched by the inappropriateness to a sovereign regime of structuring its institutions around equality rather than around effective command. These insights suggested that a mis-structuring of the new constitution proceeded from an inadequate philosophical grasp. Such misunderstanding was matched by a failure to understand the historical development which had produced the elaboration of ideas about conduct that had underwritten government by opinion, and this failure suggested that the Revolution would cause retrogression from this civilized condition towards a less gentle way of proceeding, as well as a less effective one. In other words, Burke’s understanding of philosophy, and of the history of Europe, conceived ‘philosophically’, provided grounds for making fundamental claims about the Revolution.

The lack of correlation between microscope and display preference means microscope preference cannot be used to guide display setup, except perhaps where users have a very bright microscope preference as this was better correlated with a brighter display preference. Lack of correlation may relate to differences in what users are trying to achieve with light adjustment on each modality, as highlighted by our survey results in which microscope adjustments were predominantly for slide factors, whereas for the display adjustments for environmental lighting and visual comfort were more common.

Survey participant reasons for light adjustment when reporting at the microscope or digitally. Pathologists in the survey cohort who indicated they did adjust the light sometimes; microscope (n=52) and digital (n=7) provided reasons for this by selecting from categories provided or by indicating “other” and adding a free-text response. Participants were able to select multiple options to best reflect their light use habits.

Optimal lighting levelon microscope

The spotlight lighting, unlike the diffused one, allows to direct the light in precise points, enhancing every space and enhancing the furniture, details and ...

A few of our participants have extensive digital pathology experience and amongst these colleagues, it was commented that different display luminance preferences have emerged—akin to the variation seen across microscope users (P15). Increasing the luminance of the display was described as helpful for the diagnostic image but after a longer period of reporting becomes too uncomfortable and tiring (P8). Another colleague also commented that mitoses are easier to identify when the display backlight is increased (P5).

In comparison, only 11% reported ever adjusting the backlight settings on their digital display. Of those that had adjusted their displays (n=7), the frequency spectrum of adjustments was just as broad, and one user also indicated they adjusted the display for every case (possible respondent error).

The survey was conducted through Microsoft Forms and shared via email to a lead pathologist at each trust who circulated the survey to their teams. The survey was composed of 12 questions and captured limited demographic data, such as age and role, as well as information about light use habits on microscope and display. General opinions about the importance of light adjustability were also invited in a free-text question. Three reminder emails were sent over a period of 8 weeks before the online form was closed to further responses. A copy of this questionnaire is available for review in Supplementary materials.

The repeal of the Stamp Act was followed by the passing of the Declaratory Act. Burke was practically successful in 1766 with the House of Commons because he was speaking for the executive, and a majority amongst Members of Parliament, ceteris paribus, tended to vote for the king’s ministers. In 1774 and 1775 he was practically unsuccessful, because he was now in opposition, but his conceptual achievement in dealing with the American question became much greater. By 1774, the issues dividing some American colonists from Parliament had changed. The former now resented the attempts of the latter to levy taxation on them directly, rather than by the authority of their own colonial legislatures, and they resented still more the project of backing the attempt, if need be, with coercion. Burke’s speech of 1774 on American Taxation did not delete the idea of imperial command, but rather elaborated his complex idea of the British empire in a new way in order to deal with the new situation.

Locke’s Essay concerning Human Understanding of 1690 was the first attempt to give a survey of the mind’s workings that was both comprehensive and post-aristotelian. It soon fostered intense interest in epistemology, psychology and ethics. Burke seems to have worked on the imagination—the faculty of devising and combining ideas — as an undergraduate, and continued to do so into the 1750s. The result, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757) emphasized, unsurprisingly, the activity of mind in making ideas and the influence of these upon conduct. It was in the first place an exercise in clarifying ideas, with an eye to refining the ways in which the arts affect the passions: in other words, a refinement of complex ideas was taken to be the precondition of a refinement of practice.

Such a style of thought emphasises the importance of combining a wide range of principles, and of remembering that principles, however numerous, are only one element in a satisfactory conduct of practice. There can be no doubt that analysis was involved in Burke’s proceedings: “let this position be analysed,” he instructed the House of Commons critically in 1794, “for analysis is the deadly enemy of all declamation.” [10] Though Burke could certainly conduct effective analyses of ideas and words even after more than twenty years at Westminster, as his Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe (1792) demonstrates, his accent lay more decidedly upon the necessity of connecting ideas with each other, and the inclusion of non-conceptual elements in any treatment of politics that aspired to intellectual and practical validity. There is nothing in a style of doing philosophy that centres upon analysis that is logically inconsistent with these procedures. One temper of mind, however, which sometimes accompanies this manner of philosophising is antipathetic to Burke, whilst there is much in contemporary opinions about politics, including those held by at least some analytical philosophers, that he would have found dangerously naive. Amongst these a belief in a continuing popular sovereignty (the modern term of art for this is ‘democracy’)—rather than parliamentary sovereignty is only the most obvious example. If Burke is unlikely at present to be the darling of some philosophers and of some pundits; still less will he be of those who suppose that in discussing a small number of principles they provide a prescriptive and sufficient guidance for the conduct of policy; and even less of anyone who supposes it logically adequate to claim that ‘one very simple principle’ is ‘entitled to govern absolutely the dealings of society with the individual in the way of compulsion and control’ or any other matter (Mill 1859, ‘Introductory’). The complex character of ideas, their connexions with each other, the need to understand practice in terms of such relations, and to conduct it with attention to habitual linkages amongst people’s ideas and activities, suggest a different sort of thinking. So it is not surprising that Burke has been quietly ignored by many recent thinkers, or summarily dismissed from consideration by being labelled as a ‘conservative’—but it is of great interest that he has found many admirers amongst those who succeed in the conduct of practical politics. Whilst Burke would have been the first to point out that his specific conclusions belong to a time and a place, his intellectual style, is one with which any serious thinking about politics, whether reflective or practical, needs to engage.

At the end of the experiment, participants were invited to comment on any thoughts about light use on their equipment generally or thoughts about the experiment. Comments from during the experiment were also noted.

Survey pathologist perceptions of their reporting display brightness. All survey participants rated their reporting display for brightness according to a scale of 1=“much too dim”, 5=neither too dim or too bright and 10=“much too bright”. Consultant pathologists at one center had high-grade “medical” displays (n=22) whilst all other pathologists had “consumer” grade displays (n=42) and the pathologist display rating has been split above according to these categories.

The reporting environment of light preference task participants. For participants of the light preference task, measurements of the ambient lighting (A) and of their reporting display position (B) at the time of the experiment were captured. Icons provide a visual reference of the display positions described and are further described as follows; “Side on” where display is viewed at 90° to natural light; “Side-facing” where display is viewed at 45° to natural light; “Facing” where the natural light is behind the pathologist 180°; “In front” where the natural light is behind the display 0°.

His literary style is to argue clearly, but in doing so to include a manifest carefulness of qualification that will permit subsequent shifts of position—for instance his self-description as a ‘true but severe friend to monarchy’ is consistent with his occupying any point within the generous spectrum of parliamentary sovereignty—and, indeed, the sense of historical change which pervades Present Discontents suggests that movement is a common experience. Unease, perhaps, is increased even further: for against one equipped with this intellectual repertoire, the accusation of inconsistency is irresistibly tempting and utterly useless. Again, Burke’s is a very sensible way for a statesman to think, but it is not how the public wishes politicians to appear on most occasions. Still less is it reassuring about Burke’s intellectual bona fides: for this is not how people innocent of political experience, who are the majority, conceive the role of political principles. Coleridge put his finger on an important point when he suggested that from ‘principles exactly the same’ Burke could draw ‘practical inferences almost opposite’ in different situations (Coleridge, Biographica Literaria, vol. i, 191). Burke’s philosophical and historical positions are clear, but they do not translate, and were not meant to translate, into a set of specific practical conclusions of permanent validity.

If Burke’s view of words and relations gave him practical tools, and if parliamentary sovereignty provided him with a practical postulate, what did he assume was the proper end of sovereignty? We have seen that the relation between sovereign and the governed had for a primary purpose the protection of the latter’s civil interests. This much suggests continuity between Burke the philosopher/historian and Burke the political participant. But the former might also see that there were complications for the latter. One who sees the multiplicity of civil interests, and the variety of relations in which they can be considered, and the variety of contraries at work, will see that to put society at ease with itself may well imply conflict and see that such conflict is hard to avoid; he or she will see, too, that Parliament forms an arena for conducting it in a stylised and moderated way through the representation of interests, appropriate to a civilized state of society; and, even while participating in such a conflict, s/he might recognizes the necessity of both sides to the result. Here, opponents may be not only enemies but also co-workers, sharing at least some common assumptions about the system within which their lot was cast, although separated from others by the role required of them. In that situation, the question becomes, where do you take your place? The answer may depend on your own connexions, and on how you conceive them.

A Few Words on Artificial Intelligence Riccardo Zecchina, Director of the Department of Computing Sciences at Bocconi University, delves into the intricate ...

If argument did not deliver incontestable conclusions, where was one to go? Burke’s answer, in his notes, was that where this was so, people should prefer the conclusions that accorded with their natural feelings. The complement to this emphasis upon feeling was to look to the results of affective preference—that is to say, a criterion for conduct in such a case was what tended to make people better and happier.

We conclude that microscope preferences can only be used to predict display luminance requirements where the microscope is being used at very high brightness levels. A display capable of a brightness of 500 cd/m2 should be suitable for almost all pathologists with 300 cd/m2 suitable for the majority. Although display luminance is not frequently changed by users, the ability to do so was felt to be important by the majority of respondents.

Burke, in other words, could think through not only his own grouping of claims but also their opposites. This reflects, no doubt, other features of his mind apart from his understanding of complex ideas, such as the skill in seeing the strong side and the obverse of any argument, which Burke had acquired in his undergraduate study of rhetoric; and it reflects, too, a habit of versatility begun in his debating society, for there speakers were called upon to play roles; and no doubt it is reminiscent, again, of Burke’s undergraduate interest in the theatre. Yet beyond all of these, it suggests that in the large topics which experience had put before Burke—religion, morals, arts and sciences—argument had not produced an overwhelmingly decisive case. For A Vindication also seems to make a case against everything he had espoused.

For that is what A Vindication provided. This short work was written in the persona of the recently deceased Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke (1678–1751). Bolingbroke had been a Tory pillar of the state, and therefore of the church too; but the posthumous publication of his philosophical works revealed that far from being an Anglican, he had not been a Christian—but rather a deist. A Vindication suggested the ills that Bolingbroke had attributed to the artifice of revealed religion could be paralleled by those generated by civil society. One logic, indeed, was attributable on these terms to both Christianity and civil society: that just as the latter distributed the means of power unequally, so too did Christianity distribute those of salvation unequally (for not everyone had heard, and fewer believed, the Gospel). The deism of Bolingbroke implied the principle that God treated everyone impartially, and that the means to salvation were therefore to be found in a medium available to all, and thus available from the earliest point of human history, namely reason. It was easy to add, as Burke did, that if the principle that such an original nature was the mature expression of God’s ordinances were to be applied to civil society, the normative result would be a regression from complex and therefore civilised forms to a simple society, even to animal-like primitiveness—some of the matter of A Vindication paraphrases Rousseau’s Discourse on Inequality (Sewell 1938, 97–114). So Bolingbroke the deist and Bolingbroke the politician could be made to look very much at odds with each other. This gap offered Burke an opening. A Vindication satirized Bolingbroke’s schizophrenic position, employing a good deal of transparent exaggeration to make ‘his’ criticisms of civil (‘artificial’) society seem very absurd: and Burke added a preface to the second edition which made the disjunctive alternatives clear so that even he who ran might read.

Indeed, like Hume, Burke found that there was more money in narrative works and in practical affairs than in philosophy. Burke’s earliest writings include A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757), and A Vindication of Natural Society (1756). Thereafter he was co-author of An Account of the European Settlements (1757) and began An Abridgement of English History (c.1757–62). From 1758, at least until 1765, he was the principal ‘conductor’ of the new Annual Register. In 1765, Burke became private secretary to the Marquis of Rockingham (who had just become First Lord of the Treasury) and was elected to the British House of Commons in the same year. He remained there, with a brief intermission in the Autumn of 1780, for nearly twenty-nine years, retiring in the Summer of 1794. Burke, who was always a prominent figure there and sometimes an effective persuader, gave a great many parliamentary speeches. He published versions of some of these, notably on American Taxation (1774), Conciliation with America (1775), and Fox’s East India Bill (1783). These printed speeches, though anchored to specific occasions, and certainly intended to have a practical effect in British politics, were also meant to embody Burke’s thought in a durable form. In that respect, they parallel his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents (1770), and Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), amongst other non-oratorical writings.

Burke’s Reflections may be divided (for the author did not provide any formal divisions) into two portions of unequal length. Both of these are concerned with relations. The first portion, about two-thirds of the text, suggests that the French, in their enthusiasm for the idea of liberty, had failed to understand that liberty was only one amongst a range of benefits, all of which were required in mutual connexion for a life under civil government that was civilized in the proper sense. The results which flowed from this deficiency of understanding included constitutional arrangements which, because they did not reflect an understanding of liberty that was subtle enough to grasp that the liberty of the many was power, did not qualify popular sovereignty in a way that would restrain the demos effectively. As if an unrestrained populace was not bad enough, an understanding of life only in terms of liberty swept away preceding elaborations of our ideas. This mattered, because the refinement of ideas had been a precondition of refinement of conduct and therefore of the progress of society in many respects. One key instance of these was the respectful treatment of women encouraged since the middle ages by Christian learning and by chivalry. But there was a newer philosophy: ‘on this scheme of things, a king is but a man; a queen is but a woman; a woman is but an animal; and an animal not of the highest order’. The retrogression of humanity itself to animality was not far in the future with ‘a swinish multitude’. The result, as people would no longer be moved by opinion, which had embodied refined ideas, would be that they would need to be governed by force. Force, too, was the ultimate destination of the second portion of Reflections. This suggested that the idea of equality had been connected only too pervasively with the institutional arrangements of the judiciary, the legislative and the executive power—and therefore had produced not the authority of command from a s strong government but institutionalised feebleness. At the same time, the perverse results of equality in fiscal arrangements had caused popular discontent and financial instability. The result was a situation which could be controlled only by the force of the military—if, indeed, military order was sustainable when soldiers had absorbed the idea of equality. France, it seemed, tended towards either disintegration or the rule of force.

Yet it is hard not to recognize that Burke himself was telling the reader, in a way that entered the consciousness all the more forcibly because it accompanied entertainment, that civil society really did involve some evils, just as he identified losses as well as gains from progress in other connexions. Burke’s Vindication, speaking in the voice of pseudo-Bolingbroke, lamented the situation of miners: and ‘the innumerable servile, degrading, unseemly, unmanly, and often most unwholesome and pestiferous occupations’ of ‘so many wretches’ was lamented by Burke without any such persona, thirty-four years later in Reflections on the Revolution in France. Such criticism, taken in itself, is undoubtedly telling. Burke never dissembled the existence of the real misery that he observed in civil society. Instead, he pointed out that wretched practices could not be detached from the larger pattern of habits and institution in which they were implicated, and that this pattern had a beneficial effect overall. Burke recognized misery, did not deny it, and therefore had a lively sense of the imperfection of arrangements, however civilized they might be. His sense of duality in nature and society resembles Adam Smith’s.

A few respondents with no digital pathology experience felt less able to comment on the importance of light adjustment on this modality, for example “I don't report diagnostic digital slides so I am unsure whether I would use the digital slides in the same way”. However, others felt light adjustment was a core part of reporting “I don't employ digital pathology, yet......Given how important lighting is in light microscopy, I feel the same thing can be said about digital pathology”.

Thank you to all the participating pathologists across the West Yorkshire Association of Acute Trusts Region who generously contributed their time in completing the survey and/or practical assessment.

It is clear by now that neither ‘mystic spirit’ nor ‘irrationalism’ characterise Burke helpfully. These examples might be taken as extreme. At the same time they witness interpretative difficulties. Whilst Burke’s thought has never lacked interpreters from his own day to ours, on the whole they have not brought to bear the combined persistence of historical insight and strength of conceptual grasp required to do justice to him. Hence he has suffered an ironic fate for one who urged breadth and precision of thought. That is to say, he has figured as the spokesman for a very limited number of points or as one preoccupied with a limited number of themes. This type of treatment began in the nineteenth century, when Burke was invoked as an antidote to the confidence of the French Revolution by liberal thinkers who prized its principles, saw their narrowness, and required a sense of historical development to situate them properly in a viable civil society. It was continued when Matthew Arnold tried to treat Burke as a (pre-Home Rule) Gladstonian spokesman about Ireland. It went further still in the twentieth century, when Burke was pressed into service as a counter-revolutionary agent in the anti-Communist cause, and when the twenty-first dawned some were treating Burke as proponent of postmodernism. He himself could hardly have complained that his work has been put to practical use, but it remains true that academic justice has yet to be done to him. Chapters and essays on individual themes in his writings have been more plausible on the whole than attempts at general interpretation, which usually concentrate on a theme or themes of choice, or subordinate Burke’s thought to it or them, and so give the impression (deliberately or otherwise) that this is the whole of Burke, or at any rate that this is what matters about him. One response to this situation is to concentrate primarily on telling the story, and it is interesting that a number of recent works have taken this path.

For departments looking at procurement of digital displays—it's useful to note that average preferences of all pathologists in this study were <500 cd/m2 and that 85% preferred display luminance of 300 cd/m2 or less. This was surprising given previous work in this department where a range of displays were evaluated by pathologists for digital pathology viewing and the highest luminance monitor (up 2100 cd/m2) was preferred.5 However, experience with digital pathology in the department has matured since this time, when a digital clinical workflow was not yet established. We suspect the difference of participants between the two studies as well as increased personal experience and appreciation of visual fatigue in our cohort may account for the lower luminance preferences in our study. However, there are other differences in the image chain to consider as part of the transition to a digital clinical workflow, such as image management system.

The online survey was completed by 64 pathologists, a response rate of 59%. The respondents included 52 consultants (65%) and 12 trainees (43%) and covered the full working age range of the cohort (Fig. 3). A variety of different work patterns were represented, with participants spending between 1 and 63.5 hr reporting per week.

Burke’s life was spent in parliamentary affairs from the mid-1760s, and this made a difference to his style of intellectual activity. This did not lie primarily in developing the cast of his mind, and if in 1771 Burke stated that ‘I have endeavoured all my life to train my understanding and my temper in the studies and habits of Philosophy’, at the same time he concluded that ‘my Principles are all settled and arranged’ .[5] This did not preclude intellectual innovation. The difference made by participation lay not least in his reasons for applying his mind, and consequently in how he did so. The reasons were to influence opinion, both in Parliament and from his position as a member of the legislative, and to determine votes in the House of Commons itself. The matter common to both of these was Burke’s view that words were central to political understanding.

Events soon required a further elaboration of Burke’s idea of the British empire. The continued use of coercion made the colonists more, not less recalcitrant. The practical need seemed to be for terms on which they would stay, in some sense or senses, under British rule. Their crucial claim was now that their right to tax themselves by their own legislatures rested on charters from the Crown, and that they were subordinate to the Crown alone, and not to Parliament. Burke gave still closer attention to the idea of sovereignty. It would be tactless to emphasize the sovereignty of Parliament, but it would be self-defeating to withdraw it explicitly and concede a sovereign right over taxation to the colonial legislatures. So now, in Burke’s speech on Conciliation with America (1775), he focussed upon only one aspect of the complex idea of a parliamentary sovereign. The latter comprised in the British instance not only Lords and Commons, but also the king. Hence, by judicious emphasis, the item acquiesced in by the colonists could do some conceptual work: ‘my idea of an Empire…is…that an Empire is the aggregate of many States, under one common head; whether this head be a monarch or a presiding republick’; and it was emphasized that the rights of the colonists depended on this superior, for ‘the claim of a privilege seems rather, ex vi termini, to imply a superior power.’ As to a right to tax, Burke added on a later occasion, that though it ‘was inherent in the supreme power of society, taken as an aggregate, it did not follow that it must reside in any particular power in that society’, and therefore Parliament could delegate it to local legislatures. In short, ‘sovereignty was not in its nature an idea of abstract unity; but was capable of great complexity and infinite modifications.’ (SSC, W & S 1981–2015, iii. 193).

Finally, whilst we strongly feel there is a need to define critical performance parameters of these digital pathology displays, this work shows that individuals, their preferences and their working habits need to be considered in the process.

This style of thinking gave Burke a very lively sense of the corrosive power of new ideas. Even new questions could have unpleasant results. When the innovations of the British government unsettled the colonists, ‘then…they questioned all the parts of your legislative power; and by the battery of such questions have shaken the solid structure of this Empire to its deepest foundations.’ The proper way to avoid such shakes to civil society was to ‘consult and follow your experience’ (ATX, W & S 1981–2015, ii.411, 457), for ‘experience’ according to Burke’s philosophy of language was a condition of continuity of mind, and, on the basis of mind, of a sustainable practice. His was therefore a philosophically conditioned attitude to practice, and one that was very sensitive to the hiatus that speculation could cause in the latter. Burke’s sensitivity can produce apodictic language in order to persuade people to make use of the ideas they have inherited, by urging ‘a total renunciation of every speculation of my own; and… [by recommending] a profound reverence for the wisdom of our ancestors’ (CWA, W & S 1981–2015, iii.139). Indeed, Burke can be found, sometimes, on such rational grounds, deprecating all explicit appeal to speculation of whatever hue, if it had a disturbing effect: ‘reason not at all—oppose the ancient policy and practice of the empire, as a rampart against the speculations of innovators on both sides of the question’ (italics added) (ATX, W & S 1981–2015, ii.166). His deprecation of speculation was logically anterior to taking sides in politics.

Our focus was creating a tool which was able to reliably discriminate between fine increments of light adjustment at the microscope for intra- and interpathologist comparisons and cross-modality correlations, rather than achieving true accuracy of light measurement. The final iteration of this development process is pictured in supplementary Fig. A1 alongside images of design and the tool in use.

Light microscopes are illuminated using a complex sequence of lenses and diaphragms in a process called Köhler illumination which achieves uniform illumination of the sample and provides high sample contrast. This is achieved by ensuring the image of the light source is perfectly defocused in the sample plane and conjugate image planes, i.e., the illuminating rays pass parallel through the sample. The amount of light entering the sample can be controlled by the condenser diaphragm or by reducing power to the light source.

Official websites use .gov A .gov website belongs to an official government organization in the United States.

Requirement for ethical oversight in this study was waived on review by Leeds Teaching Hospitals NHS Trust Research and Innovation department. Subjects in this study gave informed consent for their participation. Samples of human tissue were used in generating the slides and images used in part of this work. Informed consent was not obtained for this, as these were surplus tissue samples remaining after diagnosis and used as control tissue, they were fully anonymized, and their use without specific consent was approved by a research ethics committee (Leeds West LREC reference 05/01205/270).

A convenience subsample of respondents was then invited to take part in a practical task to determine microscope brightness and display luminance preferences in the normal working environment. A novel adaptation for a lightmeter was developed to directly measure the light output from the microscope eyepiece.

The overall strength of opinion from the survey cohort on the importance of light adjustment on both modalities indicates that this is a function that may need to be addressed in digital display development. Whilst the number who adjust their display light settings was small (n=7), a range of frequency of adjustments was represented in this sample. Current displays are far less easy than a microscope to adjust. Unfortunately, the level of knowledge about how to adjust display settings and the confidence level in doing so in this cohort was not captured as part of the study. However, comments provided by survey participants did indicate that this was an issue for some.

Platform that supports a microscope slide

This experiental orientation of Burke’s mind was turned from attitude into articulate thought through the educational medium of the Irish Enlightenment. For example, some points that may seem distinctively Burkean belonged first to Berkeley. Berkeley saw no advantages in improper abstraction or in a mythical golden age. Burke’s unwillingness to judge institutions and practices without first connecting them with other things, his disinclination ‘to give praise or blame to any thing which relates to human actions, and human concerns, on a simple view of the object in all the nakedness and solitude of metaphysical abstraction’ (RRF, W & S 1981–2015, viii.58), is a practical judgement that implies a conceptual counterpart like Berkeley’s view that ‘when we attempt to abstract extension and motion from all other qualities, and consider them by themselves, we presently lose sight of them, and run into great extravagancies’ (Berkeley, Principles of Human Knowledge [1948–57, vol. ii, 84].) In both cases, philosophical wariness matched a distaste for considering aspects of objects in permanent isolation from the other aspects with which they were essentially connected. This suspicion of abstract ideas accompanied a suspicion of schemes for considering people in abstraction from their present situation, and accompanied too doubts about a golden past: Berkeley rejected ‘the rude original of society’ (Berkeley, The Querist [1948–57, vol. vi, 141]) and had no time for ‘declaimers against prejudice’ who ‘have wrought themselves into a sort of esteem for savages, as a virtuous and unprejudiced people’ (Berkeley, Discourse addressed to Magistrates [1948–57, vol. vi, 206]), and it need not be emphasized that Burke shared such views. Both belonged to an elite which considered improvement to be necessary, and sought to make it through the agencies in church, state and education that were really available at the time. Above all, they shared an intellectual temper: they sought to see things how they are, with an eye to bettering the condition of society. But Burke was not Berkeley, and though their similarities indicate a shared philosophical orientation, Burke had his own way of developing it. To individuate him, we must turn to what he acquired from the Trinity syllabus, and how he used his acquisitions.

This was a judgement in the first place about personal conduct, and the manner of applying it to matters on the larger scale of civil society was less obvious. Here the judgement of benefit, whether ethical or pleasurable, might be harder to discern. In order to make it plain in A Vindication, Burke applied a reductio ad absurdum to principles in theology that he had rejected by showing their consequences for politics.

CJ, DT and DB conceived and planned the study. CJ carried out the experiments and data acquisition. CJ and DB analyzed the data and CJ wrote the manuscript, which was revised by DT and DB. The final version has been approved by all authors.

There is further unprinted correspondence in various repositories. The primary collections of Burke manuscripts are at Sheffield City Archives and Northamptonshire Record Office, both in the United Kingdom, but there is further material by Burke in a wider range of places; the material in manuscript bearing on him is extremely bulky, diverse and scattered.

Results from the light preference task indicate that pathologist preferences are present. For many of these are consistent within a relatively narrow range. Whilst preference ranges are generally wider for the display, our results indicate that a “one size fits all” approach to display setup will not suit all pathologists.

Burke’s conception of philosophical history was also fundamental to his political practice. ‘Every age has its own manners and its politicks dependent upon them’ (TCD, W & S, 1981–2015, ii 258.) The manners Burke saw around him in England were continuous with those he had seen in the middle ages, or projected backwards thither, in which a powerful executive government was balanced by other agencies with the effect of securing civil liberty. Those agencies most obvious in Burke’s time had established the sovereignty of Parliament at the Glorious Revolution (1688–9), implied it in the Bill of Rights (1689), exercised it in the Act of Settlement (1701), and confirmed it by suppressing the attempts made from 1708 to 1746 to reassert the sovereignty of kings alone. Burke understood law in this arrangement as the guarantor of interests of the governed because it was law passed and secured by Parliament. It was secured in Parliament by the mutual dependence of Commons, Lords and King. That sovereignty had this public character made the British state a beneficiary of a very high degree of financial credit, and this increased the power of Parliament. The long, slow movement of British history from a conception of the realm understood as royal property to the state conceived as the expression of public will had in Burke’s time reached a stage at which this will was expressed through the decisions of Parliament in a manner heavily influenced by the monarch. Burke’s political activities therefore assumed parliamentary sovereignty.

Microscope light preferences ranged from 0.06 to 5.2 lx, representing nearly a 100-fold difference in preference. Pathologists generally had quite narrow preference ranges on the microscope (16/20 had interquartile range < 0.5 lx), but a few exhibited a much broader range (P6; interquartile range 2.6 lx) (Fig. 8).

Our results confirm the anecdotally observed difference in light use between pathologists at the microscope. Analyses of multiple aspects of pathologist reporting activities have been conducted previously but this is the first attempt to describe light use as far as we are aware.18, 19, 20 The accompanying survey provides richer context by capturing the wide variation in frequency of adjustments and the multifactorial reasons for doing so, as well as providing opportunity to gather pathologist opinions on the importance of light adjustments for their work. Of note, light adjustment at the microscope provides pathologists with a compensatory mechanism to adjust for laboratory quality issues, such as thick sections, which cannot be achieved by increasing display backlight. Such slide quality issues would be better addressed by quality control processes within the laboratory.

which of the three factors affecting image quality is altered by thelightsource?

Whether Burke was right in these claims about the Revolution, of course, is another question, and one that can never be answered: French readers of Reflections could take its lessons to heart, and, anyhow, events have a way of modifying tendencies independently of intention and interpretation. Indeed, none of this is to say that Reflections was intended as an academic work, or even an accurate factual statement, about the Revolution. It was calculated to produce a practical result, which was to dissuade the British from admiring the Revolution and so to dampen any propensity they might feel to imitate it: and thus to protect civilization in Britain. In the course of pursuing this goal, Burke was willing to satirize the Revolution and its British sympathizers unmercifully in order to make them as unattractive as possible to any sane reader, and he matched the satire with a panegyric on British social and political arrangements. There is, indeed, much in Reflections besides the elements that have been emphasized here (and indeed much in Burke’s later views on the Revolution which is not in Reflections): but without those elements neither the book nor Burke’s understanding of the Revolution would have been possible.

Burke’s thought is philosophical in at least two senses. One is that it is constituted in part by thinking in terms of philosophical conceptions, especially complex ideas, particularly those of relation, as well as involving significant positions in philosophical psychology and the philosophy of language. The other sense is that it develops an account of the American, British and European past which is philosophical history, as the eighteenth-century understood the term. These senses, once put together, inform a style of practical thinking about politics which emphasizes the importance of synthetic as well as analytical thinking for practice, and suggests that a progressive practice requires not only the yields of past effort but also the intelligent application of mind to their further development if progress, rather than regress, is to result. Burke is perhaps the least studied of political classics, but he is certainly amongst the small number with whom anyone who aspires to have an adequate political education must engage.

Further work needs to be undertaken to establish the relationship between diagnostic performance, luminance preferences, and ambient lighting levels.

Twenty consultants took part in the practical brightness assessment. Light preferences on the microscope showed no correlation with display preferences, except where a pathologist has a markedly brighter microscope light preference. All of the preferences in this cohort were for a display luminance of <500 cd/m2, with 90% preferring 350 cd/m2 or less. There was no correlation between these preferences and the ambient lighting in the room.

This understanding of the mind gave speakers and writers an unusually powerful role. It was in their hands to connect words which suggested pro-attitudes with arrangements of their choosing: for these words had did not imply only one set of conceptual contents, because they implied none. If one recollects the propensity to imitation that Burke found in mankind, this choosing was likely also to be leading. So Burke was exceptionally sensitive to the role of men of letters and public speakers in moulding opinion. By the same measure, he had an unusually lively sense of their responsibilities. It was they who had the power to guide people to the proper ends, or elsewhere. Guidance need not be directly didactic—indeed, it could not be, because there could be no definitions to expound — but would be a matter of providing a linguistic context which guided listeners and readers to goals that were ethically and politically beneficial.

Raw results from both the online survey and practical light preference assessment can be made available on request from corresponding author CJ.

A real-world approach was used in the light preference task, accepting lack of control for several variables such as environment lighting, equipment positioning, type of bulb and use of light filters on microscopes, and testing at different times of the day or week. Participants were asked to replicate their usual reporting setup, with consideration to their environment, equipment, and selves, which we felt suited our research aim of being better able to set up users for digital pathology in our department. However, further work which addresses the impact of these parameters may help to define optimal working conditions for digital pathologists. Similarly, it would be valuable to understand how light use and preference changes during a prolonged period of reporting rather than the snapshot we have captured here. As supported by our survey, visual comfort is a common precipitant of light adjustment across both modalities and this becomes more relevant over time, where accommodation and visual fatigue are more apparent.29

Burke’s thinking about America also suggests a political disposition that owed something to his philosophical conceptions. Burke’s complaint in American Taxation against ministers was that ‘they have taken things…without any regard to their relations or dependencies’, and had ‘no one connected view.’ This was in part a straightforwardly cognitive position on which Burke laid an emphasis with prudential point: the world with which politicians dealt was complex, and to use ideas which were insufficiently complex to capture its contents and their relations was a short way to meet the rough side of reality. It was also, implicitly an ethical position: governments ought not to apply force to existing relations, at least those that were legitimate. This is, in one way, an obvious point from natural jurisprudence, and one that Burke had made transparently with respect to inroads by the government of Ireland against Catholic property. In another, and more interesting way, it reflected his view that abstract compound nouns and complex ideas evoke specific past experiences. To interfere forcibly with someone’s experientially-based expectations would be to break their mental association between experience and idea or word: and so the idea or the word would become meaningless and cease to influence action. If, therefore, ‘my hold of the Colonies, is in the close affection which grows from common names’, amongst other sources that were ‘though light as air…as strong as links of iron’, then ‘let the Colonies always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your Government;—they will cling and grapple to you…But let it be once understood, that your Government may be one thing, and their Privileges another; that these two things may exist without any mutual relation; the cement is gone; the cohesion is loosened; and every thing hastens to decay and dissolution.’ (CWA, W & S 1981–2015, iii. 164). To break such mental associations was to break communities.

Burke’s narratives suggested that agencies antipathetic to each other, if properly connected to one another, might produce results that were both intelligible and valuable. One effect amongst several of this conception of cooperative conflict was a rehabilitation of the Roman Catholicism that was the historic heritage of Burke’s family. An Account and An Abridgement alike suggested that in its historical time and place Roman Catholicism, and, indeed, clericalism, whether embodied in Jesuit missionaries or in an English archbishop, had been a constituent needed to produce social and political benefits of a fundamental kind. As an historiographical exemplar, An Abridgement therefore showed an exceptional appreciation of the Middle Ages, which was to cause raptures to Lord Acton. It anticipated both Richard Hurd’s Letters on Chivalry and Romance (1762), and, still more, a great work that set the bearings for Anglo-American medievalists for many years, William Stubbs’ Constitutional History of England (1875–8). Burke, however, could not think in terms of an academic historiography, still less one that would be the exclusive intellectual preoccupation of its exponents: neither of these existed in his time. He could think, however, of subtly defusing anti-Roman prejudice in Georgian Britain.

Our searches identified work by Tomes and Finlayson (2016) to create a low-cost integrating light sphere with a 3D printer for measurement of photoluminescence quantum yield which was subsequently validated by da Cruz Junior and Bachmann (2021).30,31 We decided to use a similar approach to develop an integrating light sphere-like adaptation for our LXCan light meter. Key features of the design were portability (to allow use in multiple consultant offices), adaptability (to allow use with the range of microscopes in our department) and compatibility with our existing light meter. Using the principles of an ILS our model was designed and tested.

An obvious inference from Burke’s account of compound abstract words is that to use these is to touch the experience of reader or listener, and that persuasion was unavoidably central to discussing politics: this befitted a practical rather than a speculative subject. Indeed, these terms implied that the point of discussing politics must be to influence action, and nothing much else. Burke developed great skill in managing words, begun in debating at Trinity and carried forward at other venues, including the House of Commons. As such language was persuasive, its objective was to establish pro-attitudes and con-attitudes in mind of listener or reader.

An online survey was designed to capture the light use habits and preferences of pathologists across the West Yorkshire Association of Acute Trusts Region in the UK. This region includes 108 pathology consultants and trainees, working across six different NHS trusts. At the time of writing, the pathologists in these trusts were in the middle of a region-wide deployment of digital pathology and have differing experiences of digital pathology. This ranges from departments with limited or no experience of digital pathology to a department with a fully enabled digital workflow.

The survey (response rate 59% n=64) indicates 81% of respondents adjust the brightness on their microscope. In comparison, only 11% report adjusting their digital display. Display adjustments were more likely to be for visual comfort and ambient light compensation rather than for tissue factors, common for microscope adjustments. Part of this discrepancy relates to lack of knowledge of how to adjust displays and lack of guidance on whether this is safe; But, 66% felt that the ability to adjust the light on the display was important.

This syllabus, by the time Burke became an undergraduate student at the age of fifteen (1744), not only gave attention to Aristotelian manuals but also to ‘the way of ideas’ enshrined in Locke’s Essay concerning Human Understanding. Such a syllabus, in its Aristotelian aspect, indicated the unity of all departments of literature—or learning as we now call it — which was congenial to one with Burke’s passion for knowledge — he wrote of his furor mathematicus, furor logicus, furor historicus, and furor poeticus. [3] It also indicated the range of achievements, and the range of needs, that people had generated. The extent and variety of human activity impressed itself upon Burke. If his practical situation in Ireland suggested that not reason alone but also Christianity and persuasion were necessary to improvement, Burke could now understand these needs in terms of a scheme of learning, and indeed had the opportunity to develop the corresponding skills. At Trinity he founded a debating society, where he developed his oratorical technique on theological, moral and political topics, as well as commenting on the economic and literary life of Ireland in a periodical run by himself and his friends. This acquisition of skills was complemented by an opportunity for philosophical development. This applied in particular to Burke’s antecedent bent towards the imaginative branches of literature, especially romances of chivalry, such as the Faerie Queen by Edmund Spenser (the collateral ancestor from whom he derived his Christian name). Creations of alternative worlds by the mind now received a philosophical warrant from another part of the Trinity syllabus. Locke had recognized that the mind devised complex ideas. The mind had a power to receive simple ideas from the senses and from its own reflection on them, and to make out of this material further ideas that had no referent in the world of sensation. Burke’s interest did not extend to the centaurs that Locke had mentioned, but the ability to make complex ideas and to assemble them in new ways was central to Burke’s way of proceeding. His philosophical method involved thinking in terms of complex ideas about a connected range of matters, matters connected by their place in a programme of human improvement. Reason was fundamental to this method—but not reason alone, as we see in Burke’s sole work devoted wholly to philosophy, which made use of Locke on the way to an original destination.

Burke’s practical thinking about the dispute between the British parliament and its North American colonies began with a situation not of his making, that is to say the rejection of the Stamp Act by the colonists, and its withdrawal by the ministry headed by Lord Rockingham in 1765–6. The Rockingham ministry followed up this concession by way of letting the colonists alone with the explicit assertion of Parliament’s right to legislate for the colonies in the Declaratory Act of 1766. Burke’s task was to demonstrate to the House of Commons the plausibility of this package. He did so by combining two complex ideas—or at least two abstract compound nouns—in a new way. One idea was empire, which involved command. The other was liberty. These, Burke thought, were ideas difficult to combine—a sound reflection as they are diametrically opposed—but that they were combinable in the further idea of a British empire—one which combined legislative command with civil liberty. This idea implied letting alone certain matters of concern to the colonists, and so allowing them in some respects civil liberty on a de facto basis (SDR, W & S 1981–2015, ii. 317–18). This idea is considerably more ingenious than the average British position that ‘all the dominions of Great Britain are bound by Acts of Parliament’ .[8] Burke’s view was explanatory, because it conceptualised the situation before Parliament in a way that made intelligible the points involved and established a connexion amongst them. It was also accommodating, because it made the British executive’s policy intellectually and therefore practically respectable at the same time that it made room for colonial preferences. In short, it was a small masterpiece of thinking about policy.

An opportunistic sample of 20 consultants took part in the practical light adjustment task, representing 50% of the target cohort. Due to the anonymous nature of the survey, the overlap between participants in this cohort and those who completed the survey is unknown. Although not explicitly collected as part of the study, comments from participants were used to infer usage and experience with digital pathology as follows; primary reporting with digital pathology (n=7), secondary uses only, e.g. teaching/training, multidicisplinary team meeting reviews (n=7), and minimal or no digital pathology use (n=6).

Free-text comments also suggest that the infrequency of display adjustment seen in this cohort may represent several different issues. Some respondents do not use digital pathology so have no practical need to. Some digital pathology users “have never thought to do so”, assuming “once the display is calibrated it should be suitable for displaying all digital images”. Whilst other users “have never actually figured out how to turn the brightness down! By the end of the day, my eyes tend to get quite fatigued” or have concerns about how the changing the settings would affect diagnostic capability “I am aware that there is some research into potentially missing things on dimmer settings so would be cautious to change without approval/advice”.

Conceptual refinement provided a practical avenue that other, less gifted politicians had not devised. Burke’s position was altogether subtler than the implied tautology of a minister’s claim that ‘to say we have a right to tax America and are never to exercise that right is ridiculous’ (Sir Edward Thurlow, quoted in Gore-Brown 1953, 85), and of another politician’s despairing sense that ‘we must either insist upon their submission to the authority of the Legislature or give them up entirely to their own discretion.’ .[9] These pundits, by failing to conceive a sufficiently complex idea of sovereignty and the sovereign’s right to tax, failed also to see that sovereignty did not imply an unpleasant choice between abrogating this right by disuse or applying it by force.

This is true, in the first place, in terms of insight. Reflections was published on 1 November 1790, less than eighteen months after the storming of the Bastille. The intervening period had been characterised by a mixture of popular violence and peaceable, if feverish political activity in France, as its absolute monarchy gave way to a constitutional monarchy. A detached observer would be unsure of the future—whether destruction and violence would predominate or whether an enduring constitutional order would emerge was a question which events had not answered. In the event, of course, the Revolution would be characterised by violence and constitutional development alike at different times, but this was as unknowable in 1790 as it is obvious in the twenty-first century.

The name of Edmund Burke (1730–97) [1] is not one that often figures in the history of philosophy .[2] This is a curious fate for a writer of genius who was also the author of a book entitled A Philosophical Enquiry. Besides the Enquiry, Burke’s writings and some of his speeches contain strongly philosophical elements—philosophical both in our contemporary sense and in the eighteenth century sense, especially ‘philosophical’ history. These elements play a fundamental role within his work, and help us to understand why Burke is a political classic. His writings and speeches therefore merit attention as examples of attention to both ideas and to history, and of the role of this attention in practical thought. His work is also, as we see shall see at the end of this entry, an achievement that challenges assumptions held by many of our contemporaries. One way or another, then, Burke is a vitally important figure. Yet there is very little academic writing about Burke and philosophy outside of that Enquiry. This is a significant omission from the history of political thought, for at least three reasons. One is that though much has been written about Burke, including work placing him in relation to other political writers, yet how he thought has not been made clear. A second is that the rational content of his thinking has not been made evident, precisely because its philosophical component has not been identified. Thirdly, because the manner and content of his thought have not been identified in the way the case warrants, we read of Burke’s ‘mystic spirit’ (Spurgeon 1922, p. 100) or the ‘irrationalism’ of his writing (Butler 1984, p. 35). This matters not only with respect to historical truth, important though that is, but also because Burke is sometimes treated as a symbolic or instructive figure for contemporary political action (cf., e.g., Norman 2013), and in significant ways marks an instructive contrast with some current ways of thinking. This being so, it is especially important to get the historical figure right.

We conducted a survey of six pathology departments in the UK to understand perspectives on, and variation of, light use at both the display and microscope. We then designed a practical experiment to capture the working light preferences of pathologists at both the microscope and display to test our hypothesis that microscope light preferences would correlate with display preferences and could be used as a predictor for display setup. This work did not evaluate diagnostic performance or confidence when viewing images.

The objective lens in a microscope is responsible for magnifying the object being viewed. It is one of the two sets of lenses in a compound ...

Burke’s name is indissolubly connected to his Reflections on the Revolution in France, though a more perceptive account of the causes of the Revolution of 1789 can be found in A Letter to William Elliot (1795), and the Letters on a Regicide Peace (1795–7) investigate the character and consequences of the Revolution from 1791 in a more thoroughgoing way. In an important sense, however, the judgement of posterity is right for our purposes, because Reflections illustrates very clearly the central importance of philosophy and ‘philosophical’ history for Burke’s writing about one of the greatest changes of his day.

Burke himself, however much he might try to set the logic of his thought in a rich foliage of words generated by his literary skill with words—he is perhaps the only classic of political thought in the English language who is also a literary classic—was a philosophical thinker. As such, his practical conclusions could change, and did, as we have seen. Practical conclusions changed because they were meant to be serviceable in a world that itself was changing. Burke’s philosophical equipment, however, served him in the face of all external changes. The most dramatic of such changes came during the last eight years of his life with the French Revolution.

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The pre-experiment display luminance was recorded on a demonstration pathology image (whole-slide image of liver parenchyma scanned at 40× magnification (0.26 μm per pixel) on an Aperio GT450 scanner) which participants were asked to center on the pre-defined region of the image. The backlight was then reduced to its minimum by the experiment controller. As the light was then gradually increased, participants were asked to state when the light level had reached their preference for viewing the image. This process was then repeated three times with a test slide (a whole-slide image of breast tissue containing invasive carcinoma).

Increases or decreases thelightintensity microscope

There is relatively little recent literature primarily on Burke’s philosophical writings, however ‘philosophical’ is defined, though there is much that makes reference to or use of them: thus a bibliography of writings about his views on beauty, gender, and political organization, as well as his literary temper and practical activities would be disproportionately long. The reader is therefore invited to range freely. The secondary literature as a whole is listed up to about 1980 in Clara I. Gandy and Peter J. Stanlis, 1983, Edmund Burke: A Bibliography of Secondary Studies to 1982, New York, Garland. There are annual listings in the Modern Humanities Research Association’s volumes.

Some of the pathologists in our survey were less sure about how light use would impact reporting digitally, highlighting a lack of knowledge of displays in general as well as inexperience in digital pathology—a knowledge gap also recently described by Abel et al.6 The need to adjust for ambient lighting and visual comfort is a sufficient argument for this function in the “new microscope” but it was useful to capture the thoughts of more experienced digital pathology users who similarly to at the microscope find that short-term light adjustments can help identify specific features such as mitoses more easily. The development of clear guidance and education on displays and their functions will be needed to provide pathologists with confidence in the use and adjustment of their reporting equipment, especially if pathologists are to be responsible for it as recent FDA guidance suggests.6 The development of tools such as the Point of Use Quality Assurance tool (a free online tool in which users check their performance in contrast detection test) can support pathologists to assess their own working environment.28

Pathologists' light preferences at the microscope (A) and digital display (B). Preferences when viewing the “test” slide of breast tumor tissue recoded at each reporting modality. P6 and P18 were outliers with notably higher display preferences and correspondingly high microscope preferences as discussed in the text.

Brightness adjustment microscope

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In 2018, our pathology department (Leeds Teaching Hospitals NHS Trust, UK) implemented 100% digital scanning of all slides. As part of this process, consultant pathologists were supplied with large, medical-grade, high resolution and high luminance displays which were chosen based on best available evidence (Jusha, Nanjing Jusha & Commercial Trading Ltd., China: Model C620L with 6 megapixel 30-in. display and luminance up to 800 cd/m2), as summarized in the Leeds Guide to Digital Pathology Vol 1.14,15 A minority of users struggled with the perceived “brightness” of these displays and were developing symptoms of visual strain. In attempting to tailor the display to these users as per Government Health and Safety Display Screen Equipment guidance, a conflict arose in altering the medical-grade monitor from its approved settings.16 Similar conflicts between display parameters and visual strain were experienced in radiology and have largely been navigated through ambient light control and ergonomic working practices and have again been incorporated into guidance documents.10

A number of the participants made comments that they felt their preference would vary on different days for a number of reasons such as tiredness or room lighting. It was also noted by a few that their tolerated range at the display was probably quite broad and that a diagnostically acceptable range may be broader still.

Our survey was conducted by a large sample (64 pathologists across 6 NHS trusts) with a good response rate (59%) and respondents across the full age range, who represent a mix of experience (trainees and consultants) and working hours. Responses in relation to microscope light use habits and opinions should generalize well. The variation in digital pathology experience of this cohort, ranging from no experience to confident primary reporting, means display light use habits and opinions may be less generalizable. We do not have data relating to number of years pathology experience but are aware that in other aspects of reporting it has been shown to impact reporting habits, such as scanning and zooming, so it would be a useful consideration for future studies.20

An LXCan spot luminance meter (IBA international, Louvain-La-Neuve, Belgium. Within manufacturer calibration at the time of use) was used to measure ambient lighting/illuminance (lux) and display luminance (cd/m2). Light output directly from the microscope eyepiece was also measured using the illuminance detector via the development of a novel adaptation (described in Appendix). Slides of two different tissue types (breast and liver) were prepared in the departments own laboratory following usual hematoxylin and eosin staining protocols and converted to digital images on an AperioGT450 scanner (Leica Biosystems, Nußloch Germany), the scanner normally used in the department. Corresponding areas on the slides and images were marked to direct the pathologists to a specific region of the tissue and control at what magnification it would be assessed (Fig. 1).

Experience suggests pathologists have personal preferences for brightness when using a conventional microscope which we hypothesized could be used as a predictor for display setup.

M Stark · 21 — Your professional image is the set of qualities and characteristics that represent perceptions of your competence and character as judged by your key ...