The conclusion to the case comes weeks after The Times revealed that state prosecutors also recently turned down another high-profile investigation spearheaded by the same public corruption squad. In that case, investigators had accused Huntsman and several others — including a former Times reporter — of a variety of felonies involving supposedly stolen records and leaked documents. Federal and state authorities repeatedly rejected the case, and at one point a legal advisor for the county warned department officials that it was “not legally viable.”

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Instead, Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge William Ryan approved an agreement Wednesday in which the California Department of Justice said there was a “lack of evidence of wrongdoing.” The department had taken over the politically charged investigation originally launched by then-L.A. County Sheriff Alex Villanueva’s controversial public corruption squad.

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That inquiry — along with the Kuehl investigation — served as one of Villanueva’s chief criticisms of the county watchdog. At one point, he cited it as part of the justification for locking Huntsman out of department databases. At least twice, he asked county officials to remove Huntsman from his job. But now, after years of legal wrangling, Huntsman is apparently no longer in the crosshairs of investigations launched by the agency he oversees.

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“We are pleased that the Attorney General’s Office recognized what those wrongly accused in this case by the former sheriff have been saying for almost two years at this point: that this investigation lacked any proper basis and was a blatant and obscene abuse of the former sheriff’s authority, executed in an attempt to bully and stifle his critics,” attorney Robert Dugdale told The Times in an email. “Anyone interested in the proper administration of the rule of law should be grateful that this investigation has reached this fitting end.”

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“I’m concerned that there is a deputy gang connection,” Kennedy told The Times. “Several sources have told me the public corruption detail was hand-selected by former Sheriff Villaneuva and former Undersheriff Tim Murakami. We’ve already learned Murakami is a tattooed Caveman and lied about his tattoo for years. We’re deeply concerned if the public corruption detail is or was being used to dissuade oversight officials from investigating deputy gangs in the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department.”

The hotline was overseen by Jennifer Loew, then a Metro employee. But by 2019, as The Times previously reported, Loew was starting to run into trouble at work. She was eventually admonished after an internal investigation found that she’d been “intimidating” to staff.

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“We respect the Attorney General’s decision and will continue to fully cooperate with any related inquiries or oversight,” the statement continued.

Keri Blakinger covers the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. Before joining the Los Angeles Times in 2023, she spent nearly seven years in Texas, first covering criminal justice for the Houston Chronicle and then covering prisons for the Marshall Project. Blakinger was a 2024 Pulitzer Prize finalist in feature writing for For her insightful, humane portrait, reported with great difficulty, of men on Death Row in Texas who play clandestine games of “Dungeons & Dragons,” countering their extreme isolation with elaborate fantasy. Her work has appeared everywhere from the BBC to the New York Daily News, from Vice to the Washington Post Magazine, where her 2019 reporting on women in jail helped earn a National Magazine Award. She is the author of “Corrections in Ink,” a 2022 memoir about her time in prison.

The case had centered on more than $800,000 worth of contracts Metro awarded to Peace Over Violence, a nonprofit run by Patti Giggans — one of Kuehl’s friends and Villanueva’s critics. The organization had been tasked with running a hotline for reporting sexual harassment on the public transit system, but the agreement to do so came under scrutiny after a whistleblower alleged that Giggans had been unfairly awarded the contract as a quid pro quo for supporting Kuehl, a former Los Angeles County supervisor.

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A few weeks later, court records show Loew began alleging corruption at Metro — and she focused her claims on the Peace Over Violence contracts, which she said had been awarded in return for $2,000 Giggans donated to Kuehl’s campaign in 2013 and 2014. Metro staff, Loew said, pushed the deals forward to stay in Kuehl’s good graces.

Two years after Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputies showed up with guns and battering rams for an early morning raid on Sheila Kuehl’s home in Santa Monica, the investigation is officially over — and there will be no criminal charges.

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Though he didn’t offer any comment on the resolution of the allegations against him, Huntsman told The Times that the Office of Inspector General has been assisting the commission in its inquiry, and he said the outcome of the case opened the door to further investigation.

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In the fall of 2022, Superior Court Judge Eleanor Hunter told the Sheriff’s Department that if investigators wanted to carry out more searches they needed to narrow the scope of the warrants they were seeking. But the following week, while Hunter was on vacation, Max Fernandez — the lead investigator on the case — took a new batch of warrant requests to a different judge and got approval for the raids, saying they might reveal evidence of bribery and other crimes.

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Meanwhile, Giggans vowed to continued her work as an oversight commissioner and said she’d maintained her dignity and integrity through Villanueva’s censure.

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“The DOJ has conducted a thorough and independent investigation into the allegations that formed the basis of the LASD investigation,” state prosecutors wrote. “The DOJ has concluded, based on this independent investigation, that there is insufficient evidence to support the filing of any criminal charges.”

The detectives were from the public corruption unit, which critics said Villanueva used to target his political enemies. It was the same unit whose activities the Civilian Oversight Commission, of which Giggans has long been a member, later condemned in a 10-page memo calling for an investigation into whether Villanueva was abusing his power.

In an emailed statement, the Sheriff’s Department said it was limited in what it could disclose because the case had been taken over by the state.

In a news release, Bonta’s office reiterated the terms of the agreement, saying the agency “has concluded that there is insufficient evidence to support the filing of charges based on the MTA’s awarding of a sole-source contract to POV, or on the campaign contributions received by Supervisor Kuehl from persons affiliated with POV. Further, DOJ has found insufficient evidence to file charges for interference with a search warrant. DOJ has therefore closed the investigation into this matter.”

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Afterward, Villanueva sent a letter to Bonta asking him to open a criminal inquiry into the early warning Kuehl had received — a warning for which Villanueva blamed Huntsman. Huntsman denied the allegations and said phone records would clear him.

Days after the raids, state Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta’s office took the investigation from the Sheriff’s Department. For two years, the state quietly investigated the matter while Villanueva fulminated about it at seemingly every opportunity. He referred to Kuehl and Huntsman as “felony suspects” and seized on the case as a way to undermine some of the most vocal critics overseeing his department. In an emailed comment to The Times, Villanueva said that Wednesday’s outcome “smacks of public corruption” and that the state Department of Justice had “abdicated” its responsibility to Californians.

Though the case is over and the public corruption unit is now defunct, the political tensions that led to it could still be the fodder for future lines of inquiry — this time into the unit and its activities. According to Sean Kennedy, a Civilian Oversight Commission member who represented Giggans during the probe, in recent weeks the watchdog group has been attempting to subpoena testimony from Fernandez, who is still with the Sheriff’s Department.

The statement Fernandez presented to the court to justify the warrants also alleged the Peace Over Violence hotline was a “complete failure” and, despite that, the contract had been extended without a competitive bid or analysis. Outside the courtroom Wednesday, Fernandez declined to comment on the case or its outcome.

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Amid persistent complaints about sexual harassment and groping on local buses and subway rides in 2013 and 2014, Metro turned to Peace Over Violence for help. The Metro spokesman at the time later said he found the organization from an internet search. He cold-called Giggans, and she started informally collaborating with Metro, helping officials come up with an ad strategy and an anti-harassment slogan: “It’s Off Limits.”

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The investigation eventually ballooned into other allegations, including the claim — repeated frequently by Villanueva — that county Inspector General Max Huntsman had been involved in tipping off Kuehl before the search of her home, as well as Giggans’ home and the nonprofit’s offices.

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In an interview outside her house while the search was underway, Kuehl called the allegations against her “totally bogus” and said she “didn’t know anything about the contract.” Then, she said the county’s lawyer had alerted her to the impending search in advance.

Eventually, Giggans said, her organization would need to get paid if Metro officials wanted more of her help. So in 2015 and 2016, Peace Over Violence received $105,000 for consulting work, as The Times previously reported.

Though the raids took place in the fall of 2022, the supposed corruption that led to them allegedly started years earlier.

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Then Peace Over Violence proposed a 24-hour hotline for $160,000 a year. The hotline launched in early 2017, and Metro staff extended the contract three more years for an additional $495,000 — a decision that did not require board approval, meaning Kuehl had no say.

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Though Kuehl was elected to the Board of Supervisors in 2014 and served on the Metro board of directors in that capacity, Metro officials said she had nothing to do with the initial anti-harassment efforts.

That fall, the Sheriff’s Department took its evidence to local prosecutors and asked them to consider filing charges. Prosecutors refused, saying the evidence didn’t prove “beyond a reasonable doubt” that anyone had committed a crime. The Sheriff’s Department kept investigating. Though he frequently spoke and posted about the inquiry online, Villanueva said he recused himself from the case, as well as from other cases handled by his public corruption unit.

The unit’s first search warrants in the Peace Over Violence inquiry were carried out in February 2021. Investigators targeted the offices of the nonprofit as well as of Metro and the Metro inspector general. Peace Over Violence turned over boxes of records. Metro and its inspector general questioned the investigation’s legitimacy and went to court to challenge the warrants.

“One of the main reasons that this all happened was retaliation for my participation as a commissioner,” she said. “But I’m still here and he’s on a ‘Do Not Rehire’ list.”

The scope of that work grew after three Metro board members — including Kuehl — asked staff to hire an outside group that could offer support to victims as one way of addressing the ongoing problems without relying more on police.

First, Loew asked Metro’s inspector general to investigate. She also asked the FBI, the Los Angeles Police Department and the L.A. County district attorney’s office to take up the case. There was no sign any of them took interest, but in September 2019, the Sheriff’s Department sent detectives to investigate Loew’s report.

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“With the warrant quashed and the AG’s criminal investigation finally concluded,” he said, “we will attempt a review of remaining records to evaluate media reports of surveillance and use of public funds for political purposes.”

Just as they had the first time around, the searches sparked a months-long legal battle over the warrants that allowed them — a battle that continued even after Bonta’s office took over the case. In the agreement approved this week, the state agreed to quash the warrants and return the confiscated items.

Just after 7 a.m. on Sept. 14, 2022, deputies started pounding on the door of Kuehl’s Santa Monica home. They went inside, escorted Kuehl outside barefoot and took her phone. Investigators also searched Giggans’ home, Peace Over Violence offices and several other buildings downtown.